Introduction: The high degree of religious/spiritual involvement that brings meaning and purpose to a patients’ life, especially when they are weakened by pain, is among the various reasons to consider the spiritual dimension in clinical practice. This involvement may influence medical decisions and, therefore, should be identified in the medical history of a patient.Objective: To verify the opinion of undergraduate medical students of the Paulista School of Medicine – Federal University of São Paulo regarding the use of a patient’s Spirituality/Religiosity (...) as a therapeutic resource in clinical practice.Method: Quantitative approach of the transversal analytical observational type. The sample was composed of academics’ medical program, from the first to the sixth year, regularly enrolled in 2017. Data collection was performed with a standardized questionnaire divided into three sections: sociodemographic profile; Duke University Religious Index; Spirituality/Religiosity in the clinical and academic context.Results: Participated in the survey 72% of the enrolled students, of which 61.4% had religious affiliation, 26.2% declared themselves agnostic and 12.4% atheists. All of them proposed to answer questions about the insertion of Spirituality/Religiosity in the patient care process. Through the Duke Religiosity Index, we evaluated the importance of religiosity in the student’s personal life and the pertinence of religiosity as a therapeutic insertion for medical treatment. Regarding the clinical and academic context, most participants considered relevant the proposition of didactic-pedagogical actions in medical education related to the spiritual dimension of the patient.Conclusion: We conclude, through our research, that the insertion of the Spirituality/Religiosity of the patient as a therapeutic resource in clinical practice is feasible for most undergraduate students in Medicine of the Escola Paulista de Medicina – Universidade Federal de São Paulo. The result of the research, although it shows only the opinion of medical students at a Brazilian university, indicates that Spirituality/Religiosity is already part of the contemporary medical universe. (shrink)

Le travail mené par Jonathan Israel dans sa trilogie sur les Lumières aurait fourni des éléments pour une critique de la théologie comme fondement de la politique moderne et, de ce fait, il nous aurait offert une critique indirecte à l’œuvre de Carl Schmitt. Schmitt et Israel souscrivent à l’analyse des idées majeures que Spinoza hérite de la modernité. En revanche, ils ne s’entendent pas sur l’appréciation de cette contribution ni sur le sens qu’il faut donner à cet héritage. Tandis (...) que Spinoza s’avère être l’ennemi par excellence pour Schmitt – juif, libéral et paradigmatique −, il représente pour Israel le pilier du républicanisme démocratique; alors que pour le premier le pêché originel implique l’acceptation d’une anthropologie modérément pessimiste qui fondait la nécessité de l’État, le second assure que le perfectionnement humain et l’idée de progrès sont possibles ; tandis que Schmitt justifie l’existence de la guerre et du concept de katechon en tant que piliers politiques, pour Israel la tolérance universelle d’origine baylienne se pose comme alternative ; si Schmitt considère que le dialogue et le débat constituent de simples distractions bourgeoises qui empêchent de distinguer la véritable nature de la souveraineté – la décision dans un état d’urgence –, Israel estime quant à lui que la dialogue rationnel et philosophique qui suppose la revendication de la liberté de philosopher est la seule forme acceptable pour concevoir des normes morales et politiques ; si le juriste allemand attribue à la théologie catholique l’origine de tout concept politique – au sens historique et systématique –, pour l’historien anglais c’est plutôt dans la philosophie rationnelle matérialiste énoncée par les acteurs des Lumières radicales qu’il faudrait chercher les fondements de la doctrine politique occidentale républicaine et démocratique. (shrink)

Playing traditional games has a direct impact on the mood states of the players, and this is the reason why physical education is an ideal setting for teaching how to recognize them and be aware about how they can swing. The objective of the study was to determine if participating in traditional opposition games causes changes to the participants' mood states. A total of 102 students participated. Each participant recorded the intensity of the mood state experienced at the beginning and (...) at the end of the sessions, using the validated Profile of Mood States instrument. The pedagogical experience was planned as 4 sessions with 6 and 5 opposition games each: with competition in mixed groups, equally and unequally mixed; without competition in mixed groups, equally and unequally mixed; with competition in same-gender groups; and without competition in same-gender groups. When comparing the different mood states according to session, the mood states of the depression, fatigue, and vigor dimensions were significantly different, with higher scores in the sessions with competition for the mood states of vigor and fatigue. Also, when comparing the mood states depending on session grouping and group type, the results showed differences in the scores obtained for the dimensions fatigue and anger, and general mood state. These differences were found at the start of the session and at the end, with the dimension fatigue being the only one with differences in both situations when comparing the same-gender, equally-mixed, and unequally-mixed groups for the two types of traditional opposition games compared. In addition, after an analysis of the mood states depending on gender was performed, the results and therefore the significant differences found, were very similar to those obtained according to group type. Lastly, it was concluded that the type of group, and gender were decisive, causing variations in the mood states of the students. This provides valuable information for teaching professionals about the structuring and organization of PE sessions, aiming to promoting positive motor experiences. (shrink)

El concepto de dispositivo en el pensamiento de Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze y Giorgio Agamben.

Este artículo explora la digitalización de las sociedades democráticas tardomodernas como una de las realizaciones del programa neoliberal que trabaja en la conformación de nuevas subjetividades. En esta labor el imperativo tecnológico es fundamental porque tiende a convertirse en fuente exclusiva de normatividad. Sus consecuencias son la fragmentación de la experiencia, la quiebra de las identidades, la disrupción y el desvío del deseo de comunidad. Para evitarlas, se apunta cuál puede ser el procedimiento para la construcción de una subjetividad alternativa (...) de tipo democrático-emancipatorio que diverja de los procesos de subjetivación ligados a la digitalización neoliberal. En la realización de esta tarea se recurre a filósofas y filósofos de tradiciones diversas. (shrink)

En el presente texto, abordamos la relación del filósofo francés Roland Barthes (1915-1980) con Oriente. In su obra, aparecen tres Orientes diferentes: Japón, China y Marruecos. Barthes visitó esos tres países como turista, fue residente durante un año en Marruecos y escribió acerca de sus culturas. Oriente dejó un rastro variado e importante en sus escritos y juega un papel destacable en la obra de Barthes. En nuestro análisis, examinamos la visión que Barthes ofrece de Japón, de China y de (...) Marruecos, junto con las críticas que sus escritos suscitaron. En conclusión, subrayamos las responsabilidades éticas y los compromisos políticos que, en cada caso, asume Barthes. (shrink)

XXV años del Código de Derecho Canónico del 83 y por lo tanto del Derecho Procesal que él instaura. Actividad legislativa de carácter universal en el ámbito del proceso canónico durante estos 25 años. La “Dignitas Connubii”. Producción de la Doctrina.

Dentro de la sociología francesa actual, Gilles Lipovetsky se ha convertido de forma paulatina en uno de los sociólogos con mayor proyección internacional, con sus finos análisis sobre las sociedades postmodernas. En este artículo se plantea una revisión crítica de las principales líneas argumentativas que expone el autor francés. El objetivo es el de reflexionar sobre las limitaciones de su aproximación a los conceptos de postmodernidad, hipermodernidad, y consumo.

For the philosopher of Rotterdam, religious coercion has two essential sources of illegitimacy: the linking of religious and ecclesiastical belief and the use of politics for religious purposes. Bayle responds to it, with his doctrine of freedom of conscience, on one hand and by means of the essential distinction between voluntary religious affiliation and political obligation, on the other hand. From my perspective, his doctrine of tolerance does not involve an atheist state, nor does it mean the rejection of the (...) presence of religion in the public space or its displacement to the intimate sphere of the conscience. This paper proposes a reading of Baylean tolerance as a political doctrine that allows the articulation between freedom of conscience, minority confessions, and official religion. Thus, the Baylean theoretical model could be considered a proposal to provide a normative form to the practice of toleration present in the seventeenth -century Netherlands. (shrink)

For most interpreters of the philosopher from Rotterdam, his political doctrine is solely a consequence of his religious and moral doctrines, and so an image of Bayle as a political philosopher is not usually presented. To my mind, however, only by analyzing his political doctrine can the extent of his religious proposal be understood. In this article, I intend to show that both the Baylean criticism of popular sovereignty and his rejection of the right of resistance are analyses that are (...) indissociable from the Baylean doctrine of tolerance. The protection of individual freedom of conscience and the defense of a multi-confessional state model, tolerant regarding religious minorities, can only be articulated as historical reality if they rest on the political doctrine of indivisible sovereignty and on the strictest separation between political obedience and religious membership. (shrink)

Las sociedades liberales contemporáneas generan individuos cada vez más egoístas. Anhelan una realización personal que sólo puede alcanzarse fuera de la comunidad, interpretada, desde el enfoque liberal dominante, como un agente colectivo que reduce la libertad individual. Esta concepción de lo humano desplaza el cuidado hacia uno mismo. Se olvida de preocuparse por los demás y, lo que es más importante, toma medidas para no necesitar ser cuidado por los demás, como si eso fuera posible. El enfoque antropológico de MacIntyre (...) desactiva una parte fundamental de esa visión, reclamando el papel del cuerpo y creando una fenomenología de la vulnerabilidad. Este artículo presenta los aportes que A. MacIntyre ha realizado en el cuidado, concepto cuyo uso está en expansión. Para ello, comenzaremos presentando un breve análisis del cuidado y su tratamiento en relación con el enfoque liberal. Posteriormente, presentaremos la propuesta antropológica de MacIntyre, y nos inspiraremos en ella, para corregir algunas pretensiones contemporáneas de autosuficiencia. (shrink)

Durante siglos, se consideró un deber del buen cristiano obligar, a todos los hombres a entrar en el seno de la Iglesia, puesto que de ello dependía su salvación eterna. Esta doctrina presupone que existe una nítida diferencia entre verdad religiosa y error. Para Bayle, sin embargo, la creencia religiosa solo puede aspirar a convertirse en una verdad putativa, sustentada en la convicción subjetiva del fiel, concepción que le permite desdibujar el propio concepto de herejía y criticar las persecuciones religiosas (...) de su tiempo. (shrink)

In this article, I discuss the Protestant contribution to the modern concept of autonomy on the basis of an analysis of John Calvin's moral theology. I show that Calvin affirms our incapacity to know and want what is morally good, as expressed by natural law. Such incapacity is compensated for by the biblical mandates that, according to Calvin, should be incorporated into the positive legislation of Christian republics. In view of all this, I conclude that Calvin is far from the (...) Kantian idea of autonomy which defines our Modernity. (shrink)

Freedom as a natural right, the importance of consent, defending the idea that government should be in the hands of the most virtuous and reflective citizens, denouncing patronage, the need to link individual and political freedom ? These are some of the characteristics of La Boétie's doctrine that I believe place him within the tradition that Quentin Skinner calls the neo-Roman conception of civil liberty. Of course, La Boétie did not write a positive defence of the rule of law, as (...) Livy did in his History of Rome and as the English republicans do, but the Discourse can easily be read as a legal plea condemning absolute monarchy and any kind of arbitrary regime. (shrink)

In this article, we will analyze the redefinition that Hobbes applies to the essential elements of Protestant biblical hermeneutics in the Leviathan. Establishing who is the authorized interpreter, defining the rules for conducting a proper exegesis, and determining the content that results from both tasks, is of utmost importance. The answers to these three questions lay the foundation for a new relationship between civil and ecclesiastical power and fully immerse Hobbes in the theological-political discussion of the 17th century.

It is usually assumed that political modernity and the reformation go hand in hand. Authors such as Hegel, Tocqueville, Jellinek or Martha Nussbaum find in the protestant reformation the origin of ideas such as political freedom or freedom of conscience. In this paper, I will try to analyze the relationship between these two concepts in two fundamental characters in the Calvinist tradition. John Calvin, its founding father, on the one hand, and, on the other, Pierre Bayle, the Rotterdam philosopher who (...) pushed Calvinism to its most heterodox forms in the XVII century. I will show how they both understand the interpretation of the Bible and the political arrangements that they defended for their close context. (shrink)

The topic I address in this paper is whether the independence of Church and State brought about by the Lutheran Reformation tantamounted to the secularisation of the latter. Taking into account two recent essays by Harold Berman and John Witte on the Lutheran contribution to the Western legal tradition, I argue that Luther’s criticism of the catholic doctrine of Papal power came hand in hand with a theologization of the foundations of the authority of the State, which is difficult to (...) deem «secular». (shrink)

Calvin was a man of the Church so his political doctrine stems from his ecclesiology, in response to both the Papal doctrine on the delegate power of the magistrates, and the Lutheran subordination of the Church to the civil authorities. He was not concerned with discussing the best possible regime, but rather with preparing a theological justification of civil power that would make it depend exclusively on God, not on the people. I will hold that Calvin states the people’s function (...) is merely instrumental: they accept the authority chosen by God, but do not institute it. The only really relevant element is that both political vocation and the transmission of power that is indispensable to it, derive uniquely and exclusively from God. The discrepancies apparent in different authors’ interpretations can be clarified by recovering the context of his argumentation. This is the objective of this article. (shrink)

Pierre Bayle and the impossibility of a rational debate on evil I claim that Bayle engaged with theodicy in order to show how philosophy was misused in religious matters. For Bayle, the debate on evil does not oppose dichotomically reason and religion, it just requires that the participants deal with revealed truths using reason alone. In this regard, Bayle does not only criticize the Calvinist theologians of his time, but also the very source of Christian theology, Augustine of Hippo. En (...) ese artículo, sugerimos que el debate sobre la teodicea bayleana tiene por finalidad hacer patente el uso ilegítimo que se hace de la filosofía al aplicarla al debate religioso. La discusión sobre el mal no supone una disputa entre la razón en sentido absoluto y la religión, sino que compromete el uso de la razón en la revelación, de modo exclusivo Por esa razón, como veremos, el filósofo de Rotterdam no limita su crítica a la teología calvinista de su tiempo sino que la dirige al mismo corazón de la teología cristiana: la obra de Agustin de Hipona. (shrink)